Presidential Transitions and Concessions
President Clinton and President-Elect Bush depart the White House for the Inaugural Ceremony at the U.S. Capitol
Presidential transitions have taken place since Washington passed the baton to Adams. Many of these transitions were smooth and straightforward, but more than a few were far from stress-free. The 1796 election featured plenty of mudslinging, charges of foreign influence and rigging of the vote, and behind-the-scenes manipulation (Hamilton was working offstage against his party-mate Adams[1]), setting the stage for the hotly contested election of 1800.
That election nearly undid the fledgling republic. A particularly nasty campaign resulted in a count and contestation that featured plenty of maneuvering and chicanery. Charles Carroll of Maryland accused Jefferson of trying to manipulate that state’s electoral votes. Jefferson, as president of the Senate, read Georgia’s uncertified vote into the record as if it had been properly certified. Jefferson, convinced the Federalists were stealing the election, ordered James Monroe to seize the federal armory in Richmond in preparation for doing battle against the Federalists. As the House went to 36 ballots to decide the winner, Hamilton again manipulated things behind the scenes. Jeffersonians gathered in Washington prepared to revolt in case the Federalists prevailed. Dangerous mobs protesting the vote were not recently invented.
The next serious election crisis occurred in 1824. Although Jackson won a plurality of both the popular and the electoral vote (largely as a result of the 3/5 compromise), John Quincy Adams became president when the election was kicked to the House. No doubt the outcome was influenced by the intervention of Henry Clay, one of the candidates who, once eliminated, convinced the Kentucky delegation to support Adams, even though the Kentucky legislature had (under the Constitution) committed the votes to Jackson. Newspapers claimed that Clay sold his support to Adams in exchange for being named Secretary of State, an accusation that led Jackson to compare Clay to Judas Iscariot.
Jackson defeated Adams four-years later. Jackson (the nearest analogue to Trump) refused the incoming president’s customary visit with the outgoing one, and Adams refused to attend Jackson’s inauguration, notorious for the unruly mob that descended on Washington and trashed the White House. Adams’ father had also refused to attend Jefferson’s inauguration. Neither did Martin Van Buren attend William Henry Harrison’s inauguration – along with Andrew Johnson and Donald Trump, marking five times the outgoing president did not attend his successor’s inauguration.
The next serious transitional crisis was Lincoln’s election in 1860. Having won with only 39% of the vote, Lincoln’s victory immediately triggered the secession crisis that resulted in the American Civil War. I’ll repeat here a controversial claim I’ve long made: high turnout rates are not necessarily signs of a healthy democracy, nor are low ones a sign of an unhealthy one. Case in point: the turnout rate in 1860 was over 81%, largely because of the existential stakes. High stakes drive turnout, but may also indicate a deeper underlying crisis. The 1995 Referendum for Quebec separation witnessed a 94% turnout rate, reminding us of Justice Jackson’s admonition that democracy is not a suicide pact. Low turnout rates may indicate apathy, but they may also indicate satisfaction with the status-quo. As far as that goes, apathy may be a welcome luxury, especially if the urge to citizenship is being satisfied in was other than the plebiscite.
Presidential Concessions
The history of presidential concessions may be divided into three periods: 1800-1892; 1896-1952; and 1952-2020. Prior to 1896 there really was no practice of losing candidates conceding the election. The loser may have privately wished the winner well, but made no public concession.
This practice changed in 1896 when the losing Democrat, William Jennings Bryan, sent a brief telegram to William McKinley that included the phrase “We have submitted the issue to the American people and their will is law.” This sentiment was frequently repeated in subsequent concession notes. Bryan, losing again to McKinley in 1900, sent a simple one-sentence telegram.
This tradition of simple expressions of congratulations[2] remained unbroken until 1952, with two notable exceptions. William Jennings Bryan, never at a loss for words, in 1908 addressed not the victorious Teddy Roosevelt but the American people directly, repeating some of the central themes of his campaign, his words sounding more like a stump speech than a concession. Bryan was also the first to use the opportunity to thank his supporters. He stated, furthermore, “If I could regard the defeat as purely a personal one, I would consider it a blessing rather than a misfortune, for I am relieved of the burdens and responsibilities of an office that is attractive only in proportion as it gives an opportunity to render a larger public service.”
The more interesting case was “Fighting Bob” LaFollette, a populist and the Progressive Party candidate who lost to Calvin Coolidge in 1924. LaFollette did not send a wire to Coolidge but publicly (in words that sounded much like ones from the losing candidate 96 years later) announced his disappointment that “The American people have chosen to retain in power the reactionary Republican administration with its record of corruption and subservience to the dictates of organized monopoly.” LaFollette further expressed an unwillingness to “compromise on the fundamental issues for which we stand,” noting that the Progressive’s loss could only be attributed to “the use of slush funds, intimidation, technical obstruction and abuse of power in securing a place for independent electors on the ballot and in the count and return of the vote.” Sound familiar?
As I indicated above, 1952 marked a turning-point in presidential concessions when Adlai Stevenson used the opportunity to address his supporters. Stevenson had sent this telegram to Ike: “The people have made their choice and I congratulate you. That you may be the servant and guardian of peace and make the vale of trouble a door of hope, is my earnest prayer.” He repeated the contents in a longer speech he gave, wherein he thanked his supporters while pledging his support to Eisenhower. There he also expressed a brief litany of ideas such as “faith in democracy” and “concern for others less fortunate around the globe.” This relatively brief speech set the stage for the much longer one he gave in 1956, which he began by repeating the telegram he sent to Eisenhower: "You have won not only the election, but also an expression of the great confidence of the American people. I send you my warm congratulations. Tonight we are not Republicans and Democrats, but Americans. We appreciate the grave difficulties your administration faces, and, as Americans, join in wishing you all success in the years that lie ahead." From there he again thanked his supporters and discussed the ways in which he had “tried to chart the road to a new and better America,” subtly implying that Eisenhower represented reactionary forces. His concluding words: “Now I bid you good night, with a full heart and a fervent prayer that we will meet often again in the liberals' everlasting battle against ignorance, poverty, misery and war.”
In 1960 Nixon addressed a rabid group of supporters, not fully conceding the election because of possible “irregularities,” but also wishing Kennedy well. Nixon was the first losing candidate to give a speech before sending the telegram two days later, which read "I want to repeat through this wire congratulations and best wishes I extended to you on television Tuesday night. I know you will have the united support of all Americans as you lead the nation in the cause of peace and freedom in the next four years."
Goldwater gave a lengthy speech in ’64, mainly trying to set the party agenda for the coming years, and also was the first (and only, I believe) to engage in the practice of taking questions from the press. He also admonished the press to conduct themselves professionally in “this rapidly changing campaign environment” that demonstrated “the fourth estate is a sad sorry mess.”
Humphrey’s 1968 concession, wherein he restated the ambitions of his campaign, ended on a charming note: after noting he would continue his “personal commitment to the cause of human rights, of peace and to the betterment of man” and observing “I have lost” and “Mr. Nixon has won,” and that “the democratic process has worked its will,” he averred that it was time to go mow his lawn.
Carter’s concession telegram almost directly quotes the telegram[3] Ford had sent to him four years earlier, although the longer speech is tinged by disappointment in the outcome. In his speech he expressed regret over plans not realized and programs not accomplished. His conclusion: “I've wanted to serve as President because I love this country and because I love the people of this Nation. Finally, let me say that I am disappointed tonight, but I have not lost either love.”
Most subsequent speeches followed a similar pattern: thanking supporters, wishing the opponent well, pledging to work together, calling for unity, and repeating the wish list of their partisan program. One of the best moments was Bob Dole telling his followers that “Clinton was my opponent, not my enemy.” Gore, of course, had to concede twice, the first time on the phone before he called an incredulous Bush a second time to retract. His second speech found one of his speechwriters clearly cribbing Lincoln: “Neither he nor I anticipated this long and difficult road. Certainly neither of us wanted it to happen. Yet it came, and now it has ended, resolved, as it must be resolved, through the honored institutions of our democracy.”
Concession speeches became more confrontational. Kerry admonished Bush to pursue Kerry’s own particular set of policies, and Hillary Clinton regretted that “we did not win this election for the values we share and the vision we hold for our country.” Her speech may be the lengthiest of any, noting “that our nation is more deeply divided than we thought,” and added a rueful “Donald Trump is going to be our president. We owe him an open mind and the chance to lead,” before acknowledging the importance of the peaceful transfer of power.
Trump’s refusal to concede or attend his opponent’s inauguration is not completely unprecedented but neither does it augur well for the future. Most presidential concessions graciously offer support for the president-elect, engage in a plea for unity, and express a love for country. We have had 10 presidents who unsuccessfully ran for another term, half of them were less than gracious to their successor. 19th century presidents didn’t distinguish themselves in this regard, but 20th century presidents did. Unfortunately, the 21st century is off to a bad start.
[1] Adams never forgave Hamilton, and after Hamilton’s death allegedly observed that Hamilton had recently had two opportunities to serve his country and the first he accomplished by dying and the second he failed at by poor marksmanship.
[2] A typical example was Alf Landon in 1940: “The Nation has spoken. Every American will accept the verdict and work for the common cause of the good of our country. That is the spirit of democracy. You have my sincere congratulations.”
[3] Dear Jimmy:
It is apparent now that you have won our long and intense struggle for the Presidency. I congratulate you on your victory.
As one who has been honored to serve the people of this great land, both in Congress and as President, I believe that we must now put the divisions of the campaign behind us and unite the country once again in the common pursuit of peace and prosperity.
Although there will continue to be disagreements over the best means to use in pursuing our goals, I want to assure you that you will have my complete and wholehearted support as you take the oath of office this January.
I also pledge to you that I, and all members of my Administration, will do all that we can to insure that you begin your term as smoothly and as effectively as possible.
May God bless you and your family as you undertake your new responsibilities.
Signed, "Jerry Ford."
Director of the Ford Leadership Forum, Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation
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