
He serves on the board of The Front Porch Republic, an organization dedicated to the idea that human flourishing happens best in local communities and in face-to-face relationships. He is also a Senior Fellow at the Russell Kirk Center for Cultural Renewal. He has lectured at many schools and civic institutions across the country. He is married, and he and his wife enjoy the occasional company of their three adult children.
Jeff Polet
Jeff Polet is the Director of the Ford Leadership Forum at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation. Previously he was a Professor of Political Science at Hope College, and before that at Malone College in Canton, OH. A native of West Michigan, he received his BA from Calvin College and his MA and Ph.D. from The Catholic University of America in Washington DC.
In addition to his teaching, he has published on a wide range of scholarly and popular topics. These include Contemporary European Political Thought, American Political Thought, the American Founding, education theory and policy, constitutional law, religion and politics, virtue theory, and other topics. His work has appeared in many scholarly journals as well as more popular venues such as The Hill, the Spectator, The American Conservative, First Things, and others.
Read Jeff Polet’s Essays

Artificial Intelligence is both celebrated and feared. But what is it, and what does it portend? A brief reflection.
The next five essays, all written by Madison, may be thought of as the hinge on which the collection rests. Prior to these five essays Publius largely deals with the most consequential powers of the federal government under the Constitution, constantly stressing union as the solution to existing problems, and after these essays focuses more on the different branches of government.
Politicians often operate with a different set of values and virtues than other people do, but must they be able to keep promises? Why is promise-keeping so important in political life?
Publius often blurred the line between hortatory and argument. Thinking he had slam-dunked the Anti-federalists on the “necessary and proper” and “supremacy” clauses, Publius crowed about how the Constitution satisfied the passions and interests expressed in the Revolution.
In Federalist #44 Madison reviewed Congressional powers and suggested most of them were non-controversial.
Reviewing the Constitutional debates impresses one with the level of argument engaged by both sides. Members of both parties were serious students of history and political theory, demonstrating that a common education doesn’t necessarily produce agreement. What’s most striking about the arguments of that day is how comprehensive, detailed, and thorough they were.
Peter Berger in his classic essay “On the Obsolescence of the Concept of Honor,” demonstrated how societies where honor matters have a thick sociology while those with a thin social sphere are dominated by ideas of human “dignity.”
In Federalist #43 Madison continued the themes of the prior essays: an examination of the detailed powers given Congress in Article I, section 8, while also addressing some additional powers.
The commentary on Pope Francis’s passing indicates the extent to which the Catholic Church retains some cultural authority.
Two viruses that define our age and negatively affect our judgements are the tendency to read the past in light of present values and, conversely, to think the problems we face are unique to us.
Carl Schmitt, a German writer and thinker who achieved some notoriety after he joined the Nazi party, wrote his most important works in the decade prior to Hitler’s rise to power.
It’s late 1787 and you’re deliberating whether to affirm the plan for the new government.
In the past two Reflection essays I’ve pondered the question as to whether American had a founding and, if so, what difference it makes to think so.
In Federalist No. 1, Alexander Hamilton claimed that the Americans had to determine once and for all whether the formation of political institutions could result from reflection and choice or would forever be subject to fate and chance.
A story, perhaps apocryphal, has an audience member ask Albert Einstein why so many advances had been made in physics and so few in our understanding of politics.
The New York Times’s “1619 Project” renewed debates over the nature of America’s “founding.”
Hamilton concluded his meditations on taxation by introducing two ideas that gained little traction at the time but would down the road.
Further exploring the issue of the federal government’s “indefinite power of taxation,” Hamilton in Federalist 35 waded into some new waters.
It is not my habit to go into contemporary politics, especially in these essays, but the power of taxation being — along with death — two of the certainties of life, and the twig having long been bent, it seems worth thinking about the relationship of Federalist 34 to the perennial problem of debt, one of the main themes of the essay.
I want to remind the reader that The Federalist consists of essays written for average citizens, mostly farmers, many of whom had to have the essays read to them, published in local newspapers.
The French philosopher René Descartes believed that knowledge resulted from “clear and distinct ideas” that occurred in the mind.
The two most consequential powers of modern governments are the power to conscript individuals into military service and to dip its hands into people’s pockets.
Debates over the Constitution always involved the balance between granting a power and limiting it.